Remarks by the President in Address to the Nation on Syria奧巴馬總統(tǒng)就敘利亞問(wèn)題向全國(guó)發(fā)表講話(huà)
East Room, Washington, D.C。東廳，華盛頓哥倫比亞特區(qū)
September 10, 20132013年9月10日
My fellow Americans, tonight I want to talk to you about Syria -- why it matters, and where we go from here。我的美國(guó)同胞們，今晚我想對(duì)你們談?wù)剶⒗麃唵?wèn)題 -- 為什么此事很重要，從現(xiàn)在開(kāi)始我們將做些什么。
Over the past two years, what began as a series of peaceful protests against the repressive regime of Bashar al-Assad has turned into a brutal civil war. Over 100,000 people have been killed. Millions have fled the country. In that time, America has worked with allies to provide humanitarian support, to help the moderate opposition, and to shape a political settlement. But I have resisted calls for military action, because we cannot resolve someone else’s civil war through force, particularly after a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan。過(guò)去兩年來(lái)，最初為反對(duì)巴沙爾阿薩德專(zhuān)制政權(quán)舉行的一系列和平示威演變成一場(chǎng)殘酷的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)。有100,000多人被殺害。數(shù)百萬(wàn)人逃離這個(gè)國(guó)家。在此期間，美國(guó)與各盟國(guó)一起提供人道主義援助，幫助溫和的反對(duì)派，并努力促成政治解決。但是我拒絕了關(guān)于采取軍事行動(dòng)的要求，因?yàn)槲覀儫o(wú)法通過(guò)武力解決別國(guó)的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)問(wèn)題，特別是在伊拉克和阿富汗經(jīng)過(guò)了10年戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)之后。
The situation profoundly changed, though, on August 21st, when Assad’s government gassed to death over a thousand people, including hundreds of children. The images from this massacre are sickening: Men, women, children lying in rows, killed by poison gas. Others foaming at the mouth, gasping for breath. A father clutching his dead children, imploring them to get up and walk. On that terrible night, the world saw in gruesome detail the terrible nature of chemical weapons, and why the overwhelming majority of humanity has declared them off-limits -- a crime against humanity, and a violation of the laws of war.8月21日，局勢(shì)出現(xiàn)了巨大的變化。當(dāng)時(shí)，阿薩德政府使用毒氣殺害了一千多民眾，其中包括數(shù)百名兒童。這場(chǎng)大屠殺的情景令人慘不忍睹：男子、婦女、兒童橫尸遍地，都是因?yàn)橹卸旧硗�。另一些人口吐白沫，呼吸窒息。一位父親摟著死去的孩子們，還在哀求他們站起來(lái)走走。在那個(gè)可怕的夜晚，全世界通過(guò)慘絕人寰的詳盡畫(huà)面親眼目睹化學(xué)武器的恐怖性質(zhì)。這也說(shuō)明為什么人類(lèi)絕大多數(shù)宣布禁止使用這類(lèi)武器——使用這類(lèi)武器屬于反人類(lèi)的罪行，也違反了戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)法。
This was not always the case. In World War I, American GIs were among the many thousands killed by deadly gas in the trenches of Europe. In World War II, the Nazis used gas to inflict the horror of the Holocaust. Because these weapons can kill on a mass scale, with no distinction between soldier and infant, the civilized world has spent a century working to ban them. And in 1997, the United States Senate overwhelmingly approved an international agreement prohibiting the use of chemical weapons, now joined by 189 governments that represent 98 percent of humanity。事情往往沒(méi)有那么簡(jiǎn)單。在第一次世界大戰(zhàn)期間，數(shù)以千萬(wàn)計(jì)的人在歐洲的戰(zhàn)壕中被致命的毒氣殺害，美國(guó)士兵也在其中。在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間，納粹使用毒氣制造了大屠殺的慘劇。由于這類(lèi)武器可以大規(guī)模殺人害命，不論他們是士兵還是嬰兒，文明世界花了一個(gè)世紀(jì)的時(shí)間努力禁止這類(lèi)武器。1997年，美國(guó)參議院以壓倒多數(shù)批準(zhǔn)禁止使用化學(xué)武器的國(guó)際公約，現(xiàn)已有代表全人類(lèi)98%的189個(gè)政府參加這項(xiàng)國(guó)際公約。
On August 21st, these basic rules were violated, along with our sense of common humanity. No one disputes that chemical weapons were used in Syria. The world saw thousands of videos, cell phone pictures, and social media accounts from the attack, and humanitarian organizations told stories of hospitals packed with people who had symptoms of poison gas.8月21日，這些基本準(zhǔn)則受到破壞，我們關(guān)于共同人性的信念被踐踏。對(duì)于化學(xué)武器在敘利亞已經(jīng)被使用一事，已沒(méi)有人提出質(zhì)疑。全世界從數(shù)千份視頻、手機(jī)攝像和社會(huì)媒體條目上都看到這次襲擊事件的情景。人道主義組織也提供了有關(guān)報(bào)道，指出一些醫(yī)院人滿(mǎn)為患，患者出現(xiàn)毒氣中毒的癥狀。
Moreover, we know the Assad regime was responsible. In the days leading up to August 21st, we know that Assad’s chemical weapons personnel prepared for an attack near an area where they mix sarin gas. They distributed gasmasks to their troops. Then they fired rockets from a regime-controlled area into 11 neighborhoods that the regime has been trying to wipe clear of opposition forces. Shortly after those rockets landed, the gas spread, and hospitals filled with the dying and the wounded. We know senior figures in Assad’s military machine reviewed the results of the attack, and the regime increased their shelling of the same neighborhoods in the days that followed. We’ve also studied samples of blood and hair from people at the site that tested positive for sarin。此外，我們知道阿薩德政權(quán)應(yīng)為此負(fù)責(zé)。在8月21日前的幾天，我們知道阿薩德的化學(xué)武器人員為了準(zhǔn)備發(fā)動(dòng)襲擊，在鄰近地區(qū)配制沙林毒氣。他們向自己的軍隊(duì)發(fā)放了防毒面具。然后他們從該政權(quán)控制的地區(qū)向附近的11個(gè)小區(qū)發(fā)射火箭，該政權(quán)正企圖在這些地區(qū)清除反對(duì)派武裝�；鸺涞睾蟛痪�，毒氣就開(kāi)始蔓延，醫(yī)院里到處都是死傷的人員。我們知道阿薩德軍事機(jī)器的高級(jí)要員察看了襲擊的結(jié)果，此后幾天該政權(quán)加強(qiáng)了對(duì)這些小區(qū)進(jìn)行炮擊的火力。我們還檢驗(yàn)了從現(xiàn)場(chǎng)人員身上取得的血液和毛發(fā)樣品，結(jié)果發(fā)現(xiàn)呈沙林陽(yáng)性。
When dictators commit atrocities, they depend upon the world to look the other way until those horrifying pictures fade from memory. But these things happened. The facts cannot be denied. The question now is what the United States of America, and the international community, is prepared to do about it. Because what happened to those people -- to those children -- is not only a violation of international law, it’s also a danger to our security。當(dāng)獨(dú)裁者采取罪惡行動(dòng)時(shí)，他們期待全世界對(duì)此不聞不問(wèn)，直到這些慘無(wú)人道的景象從記憶中漸漸消失。但這些情況千真萬(wàn)確。事實(shí)不可否認(rèn)。現(xiàn)在的問(wèn)題是，美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)和國(guó)際社會(huì)準(zhǔn)備對(duì)此采取什么行動(dòng)。因?yàn)檫@些民眾—這些兒童—的遭遇不僅僅涉及違反國(guó)際法的行為，而且也對(duì)我國(guó)安全造成威脅。
Let me explain why. If we fail to act, the Assad regime will see no reason to stop using chemical weapons. As the ban against these weapons erodes, other tyrants will have no reason to think twice about acquiring poison gas, and using them. Over time, our troops would again face the prospect of chemical warfare on the battlefield. And it could be easier for terrorist organizations to obtain these weapons, and to use them to attack civilians。請(qǐng)讓我說(shuō)明這是為什么。如果我們不采取行動(dòng)，阿薩德政權(quán)就會(huì)認(rèn)為沒(méi)有理由停止使用化學(xué)武器。一旦禁止使用這類(lèi)武器的禁令受到侵蝕，其他專(zhuān)制暴君也會(huì)毫不猶豫地獲得毒氣并投入使用。長(zhǎng)此以往，我國(guó)軍隊(duì)在戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上將再次面臨化學(xué)戰(zhàn)的局面�？植乐髁x組織也更容易獲得這類(lèi)武器并使用這些武器襲擊平民。
If fighting spills beyond Syria’s borders, these weapons could threaten allies like Turkey, Jordan, and Israel. And a failure to stand against the use of chemical weapons would weaken prohibitions against other weapons of mass destruction, and embolden Assad’s ally, Iran -- which must decide whether to ignore international law by building a nuclear weapon, or to take a more peaceful path。如果戰(zhàn)火蔓延到敘利亞邊境之外，這些武器會(huì)對(duì)土耳其、約旦和以色列等盟國(guó)造成威脅。如果不制止使用化學(xué)武器的行為，對(duì)其他大規(guī)模毀滅性武器的禁令也會(huì)被削弱，使阿薩德的盟國(guó)伊朗更膽大妄為--伊朗必須作出抉擇，是以制造核武器對(duì)抗國(guó)際法，還是走上更和平的道路。
This is not a world we should accept. This is what’s at stake. And that is why, after careful deliberation, I determined that it is in the national security interests of the United States to respond to the Assad regime’s use of chemical weapons through a targeted military strike. The purpose of this strike would be to deter Assad from using chemical weapons, to degrade his regime’s ability to use them, and to make clear to the world that we will not tolerate their use。這不是我們應(yīng)接受的世界。這是利害攸關(guān)所在。 正因?yàn)槿绱�，在�?jīng)過(guò)審慎研究后，我斷定，以有針對(duì)性的軍事打擊回應(yīng)阿薩德政權(quán)動(dòng)用化學(xué)武器的行徑符合美國(guó)國(guó)家安全利益。打擊是為了制止阿薩德使用化學(xué)武器，削弱該政權(quán)使用化學(xué)武器的能力，并向世界表明，我們決不容使用化學(xué)武器。
That’s my judgment as Commander-in-Chief. But I’m also the President of the world’s oldest constitutional democracy. So even though I possess the authority to order military strikes, I believed it was right, in the absence of a direct or imminent threat to our security, to take this debate to Congress. I believe our democracy is stronger when the President acts with the support of Congress. And I believe that America acts more effectively abroad when we stand together。這是我作為全軍統(tǒng)帥的判斷。然而我也是世界最悠久的憲政民主國(guó)家的總統(tǒng)。因此，雖然我有權(quán)下令進(jìn)行軍事打擊，但我認(rèn)為，在我們的安全沒(méi)有受到直接和緊迫威脅的情況下，應(yīng)該將此提交國(guó)會(huì)辯論。我認(rèn)為，總統(tǒng)的行動(dòng)得到國(guó)會(huì)支持會(huì)使我們的民主制更有力。我認(rèn)為，我們的團(tuán)結(jié)一致會(huì)使美國(guó)能夠更有效地在海外展開(kāi)行動(dòng)。
This is especially true after a decade that put more and more war-making power in the hands of the President, and more and more burdens on the shoulders of our troops, while sidelining the people’s representatives from the critical decisions about when we use force。由于十年來(lái)總統(tǒng)的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)決定權(quán)越來(lái)越大，我們軍隊(duì)的負(fù)擔(dān)越來(lái)越多，而在事關(guān)我們何時(shí)動(dòng)武的重大決定中人民代表作用旁落，這一點(diǎn)尤其如此。
Now, I know that after the terrible toll of Iraq and Afghanistan, the idea of any military action, no matter how limited, is not going to be popular. After all, I’ve spent four and a half years working to end wars, not to start them. Our troops are out of Iraq. Our troops are coming home from Afghanistan. And I know Americans want all of us in Washington -- especially me -- to concentrate on the task of building our nation here at home: putting people back to work, educating our kids, growing our middle class。我知道，在付出伊拉克和阿富汗的沉重代價(jià)后，任何有關(guān)軍事行動(dòng)的設(shè)想，無(wú)論多么有限，都不會(huì)受歡迎。畢竟，我已經(jīng)用了四年半的時(shí)間努力結(jié)束戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，而不是開(kāi)始戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。我們的軍隊(duì)現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)撤出伊拉克。我們的軍隊(duì)正在從阿富汗返回家園。而且我知道，美國(guó)人民希望我們?cè)谌A盛頓的所有人——特別是我——集中精力進(jìn)行國(guó)內(nèi)建設(shè)：讓人們重返工作崗位，讓我們的孩子受教育，壯大我們的中產(chǎn)階層。
