2020考研英語閱讀題源經(jīng)濟學人文章：泰國深陷危機

考研英語閱讀題源經(jīng)濟學人文章：泰國深陷危機

Thailand

泰國

Everything is broken

支離破碎

Long in crisis, Thailand is close to the brink. Withoutcompromises on both sides, it may well collapse

深陷危機，泰國局勢急轉(zhuǎn)直下。對峙雙方若互不讓步，該國局勢可能即將崩潰。

LOOK on and despair. A decade ago Thailand was a shining example—rare proof that inSouth-East Asia a vibrant democracy could go hand-in-hand with a thriving economy.Contrast that with Thailand on May 7th, left in disarray after the Constitutional Courtdemanded that the prime minister, Yingluck Shinawatra (pictured), step down with ninemembers of her cabinet over her decision to remove the country's head of national securityin 2011, in favour of a relative.

泰國前景堪憂。十年以前，泰國還是東南亞國家中鮮少能夠證明生機勃勃的政體可以和蓬勃發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟并駕齊驅(qū)的耀眼榜樣。與昨日的輝煌相比，5月7日的泰國則是一片混亂。泰國總理英拉·西那瓦(如圖)2011年讓自己一位親屬取代現(xiàn)任國家安全部部長的決定使得憲法法院要求她與9名內(nèi)閣成員辭去相應(yīng)職務(wù)。

For all the pretence of due legal process and distaste at Ms Yingluck's nepotism, this was notan offence that merited the ousting of a prime minister. Instead, the ruling is a measure ofquite how far Thailand has fallen, how deeply it is divided and how badly its institutions arebroken. Unless Thais step back from the brink, their country risks falling into chaos andanarchy, or outright violence.

所有對于相應(yīng)法定程序的托詞以及英拉裙帶關(guān)系的憤恨都不足以成為剝奪一國總理的理由。與之相反的是，國家的管理是衡量泰國落后他國有多遠，分裂問題多么惡劣以及政體破壞多么嚴重的標準。除非泰國能夠走出危機，否則該國面臨著混亂的無政府狀態(tài)或者激烈的暴力沖突的危險。

In kicking out Ms Yingluck, the court accomplished what months of anti-government streetprotests in Bangkok, led by a firebrand populist, Suthep Thaugsuban, had failed to bring about.It is far from the first time the court has ruled against her. To break the impasse on Bangkok'sstreets, she had called a February election, but the opposition Democrat Party boycotted it,and the court struck down the results. Ms Yingluck had been limping on as a caretaker. Themessage for many Thais is that the court is on the side of a royalist establishment bent onpurging politics of Ms Yingluck, who came to office three years ago in a landslide election, and—especially—her brother, Thaksin Shinawatra, himself ousted in a coup in 2006 and now inself-imposed exile.

叛亂煽動者素貼?特素班在曼谷領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的反政府街頭抗議數(shù)月以逼走英拉的任務(wù)由憲法法院完成了。這個情形遠不及法院首次對英拉做出裁決的情況。為了打破曼谷街頭抗議的僵局，她曾召集了一次二月選舉，但是反對黨民主黨對此抵制抗議，而且法院扼殺了選舉結(jié)果。英拉像一個臨時代理人一般的艱難前行。在許多泰國人看來，法院支持建立一個君主主義制度以取代英拉政府統(tǒng)治。英拉三年前在一次壓倒性的選舉勝利中走上政壇。值得一提的是，英拉的哥哥塔克辛?西那瓦在2006年一次政變中下臺，現(xiàn)在也無奈流落異鄉(xiāng)。

The entire apparatus of government has been sucked into the conflict between two visions ofThailand. For Mr Thaksin's supporters, his emergence in 2001 marked a welcome break fromdecades of rule by corrupt coalitions or military juntas. Helped by a new democraticconstitution in 1997, he gave a voice to Thailand's majority, many of them in his northern andnorth-eastern heartland. In their view, he transformed the lives of the poorest with health andeducation programmes, and he challenged Thailand's privileged elites in the bureaucracy, thearmy, the judiciary and the palace corridors of an ailing King Bhumibol Adulyadej. To theThaksinites, both the recent street protests and the Constitutional Court's activism are thework of an establishment that cannot accept the results of the ballot box: in 2001, 2005, 2006, 2007 and 2011 parties loyal to Mr Thaksin won elections fair and square, and MsYingluck's Pheu Thai party would have done so, too, in February.

泰國整個國家機制已經(jīng)深陷于該國兩種觀點的沖突之中。對于素貼的支持者來說，2001年他的出現(xiàn)標志著幾十年來腐敗的黨派勾結(jié)或者軍隊派別統(tǒng)治已被終結(jié)并迎來新的開始。1997年在一項新的民主體制的幫助下，他為泰國大多數(shù)人的利益振臂吶喊，這些人的大多數(shù)來自于他的北方地區(qū)和東北腹地。在他們看來，素貼通過醫(yī)療和教育計劃改變了最貧困地區(qū)人們的生活，而且他勇于挑戰(zhàn)泰國官僚體制下的特權(quán)階級，軍隊，司法機關(guān)，以及體弱的泰國國王普密蓬?阿杜德代表的皇權(quán)階層。在塔克辛擁護者眼里，最近的街頭抗議以及憲法法院的動作都是由于反對黨無法接受選舉投票失敗的結(jié)果：為塔克辛效勞的政黨曾在2001，2005,2007以及2011年的大選中光明正大的獲得選舉，而英拉所在的泰黨在2月份本也可以做到這樣。

There is merit in this interpretation. But so is there in what the Shinawatras' enemies have tosay. In particular, they charge that Thaksinite governments have been run for the benefit ofhis rural supporters (a mad scheme to subsidise rice threatens to bust the budget) and ofthe billionaire himself. There is something creepy about the way that the exiled, unelected MrThaksin has been calling the shots from Dubai.

這種解釋有其可取之處。但是這也是西那瓦家族的反對者所要說的。尤其是這些人指責塔克辛政府一直為他的農(nóng)村支持者以及他這個億萬富翁謀求福利(一項補貼糧食危機來破壞預(yù)算的愚蠢計劃)。對于被流放的，未經(jīng)選舉的塔克辛先生在迪拜暗中謀劃的傳聞聽來也是十分可怖。

Now stalemate beckons. An election is supposed to happen. Ms Yingluck should have had theright to confront her undemocratic royalist foes at the ballot box. But an election is nosolution because the opposition will boycott it. Mr Suthep has proposed a “people's council”of the great and the good, but Thaksinites will rightly see it as a stitch-up designed to keepthem out. The irreconcilable differences between the two sides have swallowed up Thailand'scourts, its army and even the monarchy—and left Thailand at the abyss. Investors, havingborne years of simmering discontent, are taking fright. Blood has already been spilled thisyear. The prospects of wider violence are growing as Thaksinite supporters threaten conflicton the streets.

現(xiàn)在僵局仍然持續(xù)。該國應(yīng)該進行新的選舉。英拉應(yīng)該通過選舉來獲得直面其非民主?；手髁x反對者的權(quán)力。但是大選不是解決問題的方法，因為反對者仍將抵制選舉。素貼應(yīng)經(jīng)提議為顯要人物建立一個“人民議會”，但是塔克辛支持者會認為這是一個旨在將他們排除在外的圈套。敵對雙方無法調(diào)和的差異已經(jīng)湮沒了泰國的法院，軍隊甚至整個君主政體，并讓其陷入萬劫不復(fù)之地。忍受滿腹不滿情緒多年的投資者也整天惶惶不可終日。滿腔熱血已在今年揮灑殆盡。隨著塔克辛支持者揚言街頭沖突，更大范圍內(nèi)的暴力活動將會愈演愈烈。

Stop and think

停戰(zhàn)深思

If Thailand is to avoid that catastrophe, both sides must now step back from the brink. Thestarting point is the devolution of Thailand's highly centralised system of governance. At themoment only the capital has a democratically elected governor, yet all 76 provinces shouldalso have one—this would not only help a rumbling Muslim insurgency in the south, it would alsooffer a prize to Mr Suthep, because the winner of the national election would no longer win allthe power. In return for this reform, the Democrat Party must pledge to accept electionresults; and in return for that, the Pheu Thai should run without a Shinawatra at the helm.

如果泰國想要避免災(zāi)禍，對峙雙方必須在局勢崩潰之前各退一步。首先要做的就是要將泰國高度集中的管理權(quán)力下放。目前只有該國首都擁有一個民主選舉的管理者，而其他的76個省 份也應(yīng)該有這樣的管理者——這不僅可以協(xié)助解決日漸激烈的南方穆斯林暴亂，還將會為素貼帶來額外之喜，因為小全國大選的獲勝者將不再是大權(quán)獨握。作為這場改革的回報， 民主黨必須保證接受選舉結(jié)果;而為了回報這個結(jié)果，泰黨應(yīng)該在沒有西那瓦家族成員掌權(quán)的情況下運行。

Goodwill is in short supply in Thailand today. Yet by fighting on, the two sides risk bringingruination to their country. Compromise would, by comparison, be a small price to pay.

在今日的泰國，友好善意是如此稀缺。而雙方持續(xù)對峙面臨著給國家?guī)砭薮蟮湺说娘L險。通過對比，雙方的妥協(xié)讓步將會是比較小的代價。

1.in favour of 贊成;支持

例句:The newspaper is now weighted in favour oftrivia.

這份報紙如今傾向于報道一些花邊消息。

2.fail to 未能;不能

例句:Many of Britain's beaches fail to meet minimumstandards of cleanliness.

英國許多海灘連最起碼的衛(wèi)生標準都達不倒。

3.come to 蘇醒;達到;來到

例句:I do hope you'll be able to come to the wedding.

我確實希望你能來參加婚禮。

4.loyal to 忠于;忠誠于

例句:They were unflinchingly loyal to their friends.

他們對朋友忠貞不渝。